The Venn diagram of Anti-Semitism and
Anti-Zionism
Prompted by recent public
controversies, I’ve been trying to puzzle it out. Why does criticism of
“Israel” either equate or not equate (assertion dependant on stance of
asserter) to anti-Semitism? Many eloquent Jewish writers have focussed on the
question in the past few weeks, and influenced my understanding. I still feel
it’s worthwhile working it through – so here goes.
There are a few given facts
for most sane, liberal people.
· Suspicion, hatred and persecution of Jews have been
horrible realities for centuries;
· Zionism has been the political/religious movement for
a Jewish homeland in modern times, very much driven by the experiences suffered
as a result of the first fact;
· Israel, the new Jewish homeland, was founded, in the
1940s, at great cost in blood and homes to Palestinians; and
· Israel has expanded, and maintained its legal and de facto borders at a cost in blood and
homeland to Palestinians (and in blood to Israeli citizens).
These last two facts are the
basis of criticism of Israel, which criticism is so vehement, indeed vitriolic,
at present time.
Now, in normal political discourse,
criticism of a country’s wars or policies does not lead to the conclusion that
damns every citizen of that country as complicit in those wars or policies.
Being against many of the USA’s policies, or the UK’s, does not mean that
Americans or Britons are tarred with the brush of their government (unless an
individual identifies with and defends a particular policy).
Therefore, one may conclude,
what’s the problem with criticising the actions of Israel (which are the actions
directed by its government for the time being)? Isn’t this on a par with any
political attack?
Yes, but…. Israel has many
features that are unique.
· The historical Zionist project – the seeking of a
homeland for Jews in the territory where once there was a homeland;
· The imperative for this quest, given the fate of
European Jews in the mid C20;
· The promotion of this end by Western imperial powers,
specifically the UK;
· The role of guerrilla/terrorist organisations (make
your own choice) in hastening the end of the British Mandate in what was then
all “Palestine” in the 1940s (my father was a British army officer tasked with
defusing bombs in this campaign);
· The expulsion of Palestinians from much of what is now
Israel.
It is clear that the merits
of the first two clash somewhat with the last two.
Then there were the
Arab-Israeli wars, and the Occupation, and the conflicts in Gaza. The morality
of all these events is bitterly, even lethally, contested. There is plenty of
justified righteousness on the side of those who support Palestinian rights and
deplore Israel’s treatment of Palestinians, or Israeli Arabs.
Indeed, many conclude that
that this very young country, Israel, was founded upon an injustice and exists
today in a degree of injustice.
On the other hand: Jews were
granted (some of) that territory by European powers because of the dreadful
things that have happened to Jews in may countries over many centuries. For
most Jews, Israel, a Jewish homeland at last, is something they are
existentially committed to, a place where they have the right to live, by
virtue of being Jews, even if they have no present intention of going there
(there is traffic in the other direction, away from Israel).
Here’s the Venn diagram.
There’s a big overlap between Jews and supporters of the existence of Israel. In this sense, very many Jews identify as
“Zionists” – supporters of the Jewish state.
Here’s the troubling problem.
Zionist is the label stuck on the
Israeli state’s policies. So if you are a Zionist in the sense of supporting
the existence of Israel, your Zionism and Israel’s policies get conflated. You
become, in the ugly insult, a Zio,
and fair game for vilification.
Being a Jew and a supporter
of the existence of Israel puts you in the way of condemnation – essentially
for what you are, and what the history of the Jews has been.
This is a state of affairs
distinct from criticism of Israel’s policies (criticism which is shared by very
many Jews).
Howard Jacobson writes:
“When an anti-Zionist tells me that his fervent wish
is to see the end of Israel, but he cannot be a an anti-Semite because he
regrets the Holocaust, I don’t necessarily feel that I am in the presence of a
friend.”
Jonathan Freedland writes:
“Because Israel’s creation came at a desperately high
price for Palestinians – one that Israel will one day, I hope, acknowledge,
respect and atone for through word and deed – it is impossible for most Jews to
see it as a mistake that should be undone.”
And again:
“..when Jews call out something as anti-Semitic,
leftists non-Jews feel curiously entitled to tell Jews that they are wrong,
that they are exaggerating or lying or using it as a decoy tactic – and to then
treat them to a long lecture on what anti-Jewish racism really is.”
Anti-Semitism isn’t a
scientific term (although some, especially the Nazis, have sought to justify
anti-Semitism on “scientific” grounds). It isn’t confined to broad attitudes – “If you are Jewish, I hate you [on whatever grounds
given: appearance, personality traits, religion, global conspiracies]”. Anti-Semitism
need not “embrace”each and every Jew.
If the very existence of
Israel (with all its flaws) is an essential part of the modern identity of
many, if not most, Western Jews, then to dispute the right of Israel to exist
is an attack on that Jewish identity.
This may not be programmatic
anti-Semitism, fascist-style. But it is anti-Semites. Why? Because Jews feel it
to be so, viscerally. And they may suspect that such an attitude covers other
attitudes.
May 2016
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